Renowned human rights lawyer, Mr Femi Falana, SAN, has warned that the growing normalisation of violence, intimidation and impunity in Nigeria poses a serious threat to constitutional democracy, urging political leaders and public institutions to take urgent steps to protect democratic participation ahead of the 2027 general elections.
Falana called for accountability for electoral violence, stronger democratic institutions and protection of citizens’ right to participate freely in the electoral process.
According to a release signed by Tayo Soyemi for the Falana and Falana Chambers, the fiery human rights lawyer made the call in a keynote address titled “Barrel to Ballot: The Naturalisation of Violence, Nigeria’s Polity and its Democratic Circus,” delivered at the 6th Frontier Discourse Annual Public Lecture Series and Awards organised by Pacesetter Frontiers Magazine in Abuja on Wednesday.
In the paper, Falana argued that “political violence is not merely an electoral problem but a manifestation of a deeper crisis of governance, accountability and the protection of human rights.”
According to Falana, “the increasing use of political thuggery, armed groups, intimidation and coercion to acquire or retain political power undermines the constitutional rights of citizens and weakens public confidence in democratic institutions.”
The paper, read in part: “Credible democracy cannot survive amid violence, intimidation, impunity and institutional compromise. The ballot must express the free will of the people, not the outcome of coercion or armed intimidation.”
“As the 2027 elections approach, the State must protect lives, enforce electoral laws and punish those who sponsor or perpetrate political violence, irrespective of status or political connections. Public office is a trust held for the people, not an instrument of personal enrichment, intimidation or political dominance.”
“The responsibility for reclaiming democracy ultimately rests with citizens, who must reject vote selling, manipulation and incitement, and demand accountability. Civil society, the media and the legal profession must continue to expose abuses and defend democratic freedoms.”
“Democracy is not merely about who wins an election; it is about how power is acquired and exercised, and to whom its holders are accountable. Nigeria’s future depends on the sanctity of the ballot, the supremacy of the Constitution and the people’s determination to defend their democratic rights.”
“We must end political violence, dismantle impunity and restore the ballot to its rightful owners. Nigeria must move from intimidation to participation, from impunity to accountability and from electoral rituals to genuine democratic governance. The ballot must be more powerful than the barrel. That is the democracy Nigeria deserves and must collectively build.”
“Violence is no longer an occasional interruption of ordinary life in Nigeria. For millions of Nigerians, it has become an everyday experience. Across different parts of the country, citizens contend with terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, armed robbery, communal violence, insurgency, cult-related killings, extrajudicial executions and other forms of organized criminality.”
“Farmers are prevented from accessing their farms. Communities are displaced from their ancestral homes. Children are abducted from schools. Travellers are kidnapped on highways. Families are compelled to negotiate with criminals for the release of their loved ones.
“In some communities, the authority of the Nigerian state has been challenged by armed non-state actors who impose illegal taxes, enforce unlawful directives and determine the movement of citizens.”
“The tragedy is not merely that these atrocities occur. The greater tragedy is that society is gradually becoming accustomed to them. We read about mass killings over breakfast, kidnapping over lunch and ransom payments over dinner. We mourn victims briefly, issue statements of condemnation and proceed with our daily activities. This is the dangerous process of the naturalisation of violence.”
“Section 14(2)(b) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) declares that the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government. This constitutional commitment must guide public policy and the discharge of governmental responsibilities.”
“Section 33, 34 and 35 of the Constitution protect the right to life, the dignity of the human person, and personal liberty respectively. The State must therefore be judged not merely by the number of security meetings it convenes, the quantity of arms it procures or the number of press statements it issues, but by its capacity to protect the lives, liberties and dignity of the people.”
“A government that cannot protect its citizens from persistent violence must urgently reconsider its security priorities, operational strategies and accountability mechanisms. We must also recognise that violence in Nigeria is not confined to the activities of terrorists and armed criminal groups.”
“It has assumed a political dimension. In several instances, violence is deliberately deployed as an instrument of political competition, electoral mobilisation, intimidation and the suppression of opposition. Political thuggery, cultism, the recruitment of armed groups, attacks on opposition supporters, destruction of campaign materials and intimidation of voters have become recurring features of our electoral experience.”
“From the army of unemployed youths in each of the states of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory, politicians are able to recruit thugs, arm them, give them money and drugs. The thugs are then unleashed on political opponents.”
“During elections, they disrupt elections, snatch ballot boxes and other electoral materials. The African Centre for Security, Governance and Development (Centre SGD) has raised the alarm over escalating political violence across Nigeria and warned that attacks on candidates, supporters and campaign activities threaten the credibility of the 2027 general elections.”
“The centre disclosed that 70 physical election-related attacks were recorded across 19 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) between 1st January and 27th October, 2026, resulting in 27 deaths in 20 of the incidents. The casualty figure does not include the over 30 people that were killed during the recent governorship election in Osun State.”
“On 30 October 2026, Mr. Omoyele Sowore, presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), and members of his entourage were attacked by armed men in Ado Ekiti State. The Ekiti State Police Command, however, characterised the incident as an altercation, only to turn round and announce that the thugs had been arrested.”
“Mr. Sowore has however insisted that the actual thugs have not been quizzed. Last week, the convoy of the presidential candidate of the National Democratic Congress, Mr. Peter Obi was attacked by armed thugs in Calabar, Cross River State. In Kebbi, Katsina and Nasarawa, APC leaders have also been attacked by armed thugs. The violent attacks of the last few days have confirmed that no political party has the monopoly of violence.”
“The incidents equally reinforce the concern that violence and intimidation continue to threaten the democratic space and underscore the urgent need to ensure that political competition in Nigeria is determined by ideas, dialogue, persuasion, rather than brute force, intimidation and organised violence.”
“Where violence is tolerated in a society, it will eventually invade the electoral process. Where political power is pursued without accountability, violence becomes an instrument for acquiring and retaining it.”
“There is a misconception that the Nigerian Constitution is silent on political violence. That is not correct. Although the Constitution does not establish a comprehensive criminal code for every form of violence, it contains clear constitutional prohibitions and guarantees that provide the foundation for addressing political violence.”
“Section 227 of the Constitution is unequivocal. It prohibits the establishment and maintenance of private political armies, paramilitary organisations and other groups equipped to employ physical force or coercion in pursuit of political objectives. The prohibition is not defeated by giving such organisations respectable-sounding names.”
“Whether they are described as political vanguards, enforcement teams, security outfits, youth mobilisers or campaign protection groups is immaterial where their purpose and activities fall within the constitutional prohibition. The Constitution is concerned with the substance of the conduct, not the label attached to the organisation.”
“Section 228(a) of the Constitution empowers the National Assembly to prescribe punishment for persons involved in the management or control of a political party found, after due inquiry, to have contravened Section 227.”
“Consequently, section 78 of the Electoral Act 2026 provides penalties for a political party or association that contravenes the constitutional prohibition while any person or group that aids or abets the contravention is liable to pay fine or imprisonment, or both. “
“Section 95 of the Electoral Act requires the police to provide adequate security for political rallies and processions. Section 96 prohibits inflammatory campaign language and the retention, organisation, training or equipping of groups for political force or coercion; it also prohibits the use of armed private security organisations, vanguards or other groups to assist a party or candidate during campaigns, rallies, processions or elections.”
“Section 97 prohibits threats of force or violence intended to compel support for, or opposition to, a political party or candidate.”
“These provisions address both the organisation of political enforcers and the threat or use of coercion during campaigns. Section 96(8) also provides a specific offence for aiding or abetting a contravention of subsection (5). The Act also criminalises conduct capable of undermining the electoral process.”
“Section 120 addresses disorderly behaviour at political meetings; Section 129 deals with disorderly conduct at elections; Section 130 prohibits specified conduct on election day, including possession of offensive weapons calculated to intimidate voters; and Section 132 criminalises specified acts of force, threats, injury, abduction or duress intended to interfere with the free exercise of the vote.”
“Section 132 specifically criminalises the use or threatened use of force, injury, abduction or duress to compel a person to vote or refrain from voting. The constitutional and statutory framework is therefore not deficient in its condemnation of political violence. The problem is the gap between the law in the statute book and the law in operation.”
“It is unacceptable that individuals who openly recruit, finance, equip and deploy political thugs should continue to enjoy political protection while their foot soldiers are occasionally arrested and paraded before television cameras.”
“A democracy is not defined merely by the periodic conduct of elections. Elections are important, but they are only one component of democratic governance. A genuine democracy must guarantee political participation, freedom of expression, freedom of association and assembly, institutional independence, social justice, accountability and the ability of citizens to remove those who fail to govern in their interest.”
“Unfortunately, the political system increasingly resembles a recurring performance in which political actors change positions, slogans change and electoral alliances are rearranged, while the underlying conditions of the people remain substantially unchanged. Elections are conducted. Winners are announced. Inauguration ceremonies are held. Political appointments are distributed. Yet, the fundamental challenges confronting the people are not addressed.”